UU PPRT: When the State Finally Acknowledges That Domestic Work Is Work — Implications for Gender Equality and the Future of Indonesia's Younger Generation

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UU PPRT: When the State Finally Acknowledges That Domestic Work Is Work — Implications for Gender Equality and the Future of Indonesia's Younger Generation

By Sondang Tampubolon, Coordinator, SocDem Asia Pacific | June 2026

In our previous piece, we told the story of how Indonesia's Law on the Protection of Domestic Workers (UU PPRT) came to be — 22 years of grassroots struggle, the pivotal role of Partai NasDem through figures like Martin Manurung and Lestari Moerdijat, and what this historic victory means for the broader social democratic movement across the Asia Pacific. We told the story of a battle fought and won.

But a law is not only a story of struggle. It is also a framework — a set of structural choices about who the state sees, who it protects, and what kind of work it considers worthy of dignity.

This second piece goes deeper. It asks not just who fought for UU PPRT, but what it actually changes — structurally, legally, and socially. It examines a dimension that is often overlooked in the public celebration of this law: that UU PPRT protects far more than the stereotypical image of the female household helper. It extends its reach to drivers, gardeners, house guards, and caregivers — men and women alike — who have equally been invisible to the state for decades.

And it asks the harder questions. What does it mean when a state finally acknowledges that domestic work is work? What does that recognition do to the architecture of gender inequality? What does it mean for the millions of young Indonesians who grew up in households where a parent's labor was never counted, never contracted, never protected?

There is a paradox that has long lived at the heart of Indonesian society: the work most needed to sustain the daily lives of millions of families is the work least protected by the state.

Domestic workers cook the food that is eaten, clean the homes that are lived in, care for the children who grow up, and tend to the elderly who age. Without them, the wheels of life — and with them, the wheels of the formal economy — would not turn. Yet for more than two decades, the state chose not to see them as workers.

On April 21, 2026, that paradox officially came to an end.

A Legal Vacuum That Was No Accident

For 22 years, the Draft Law on the Protection of Domestic Workers (RUU PPRT) was stranded in a legislative process that repeatedly stalled. This was not a legal vacuum that arose from technical oversight. It was a systematic political choice.

Why? Because recognizing domestic workers as workers means acknowledging that the state had long allowed exploitation to take place in the most intimate private spaces. It means imposing legal obligations on employers — most of whom belong to the middle and upper classes with political influence. And it means acknowledging that care work carries economic value that has long been deliberately left uncounted.

The passage of UU PPRT, therefore, is not merely a legislative achievement. It is a structural correction to an injustice that had been normalized for decades.

Who Fought, and Who Won?

This victory did not come from above. It was seized from below, by hands that had long gone unseen.

JALA PRT (the National Advocacy Network for Domestic Workers) and a broad civil society coalition — including Komnas Perempuan, labor unions, and human rights groups — were the driving force behind two decades of struggle. They documented cases of violence, built public awareness, lobbied members of parliament, and ensured that the voices of domestic workers never truly disappeared from the policy space.

In parliament, Partai NasDem emerged as the most consistent and structurally engaged political force in pushing for passage. NasDem's faction formally became the primary sponsor of the PPRT Bill in the House's Legislative Body (Baleg), fighting for critical provisions on social security, leave entitlements, wage standards, fair recruitment mechanisms, and dispute resolution.

Two NasDem figures stood at the very center of this legislative battle. Martin Manurung, Vice Chairman of Baleg DPR RI from NasDem's faction, was a key architect in accelerating the bill's deliberation process — ensuring it was not buried once again in procedural delays. Lestari Moerdijat, NasDem politician and Vice Chairman of the MPR RI, was one of the most persistent public voices on this issue, repeatedly urging the DPR leadership to fast-track the bill and framing its passage as a matter of constitutional obligation and basic human dignity. Their combined efforts — one driving the process from within the legislative body, the other sustaining public and institutional pressure — exemplified how strategic, multi-level advocacy within a political party can translate into real legislative outcomes.

PDI Perjuangan and PKB provided meaningful support in parliament, strengthening the coalition that ultimately succeeded in bringing the bill to a plenary session and securing its passage.

That this passage occurred on April 21 — Kartini Day — is not a coincidence to be brushed aside. It was a deliberate symbolic statement: that Kartini's struggle for women's dignity remains relevant, continues, and on that day, claimed one real and concrete victory.

Who Is Actually Protected? Broader Than Most People Think

One of the most important — and least understood — aspects of UU PPRT is the breadth of its definition of domestic workers. This law does not only protect those who cook and clean. It extends its protection to every person who performs household-related work within a private home under an employment relationship.

Under UU PPRT, the following categories of workers are explicitly recognized and protected as domestic workers:

• Household helpers — those who cook, clean, wash, and iron

• Childcare workers and babysitters — those who care for and supervise children

• Caregivers — those who care for the elderly or persons with disabilities

• Drivers — personal or household drivers employed by a family

• Gardeners — those who maintain the grounds and gardens of a private home

• House guards and caretakers — those responsible for the security and upkeep of a private residence

This is a critical clarification. While it is true that the majority of domestic workers in Indonesia are women — and the gendered dimension of this law remains central — UU PPRT is not exclusively a women's law. It is a law for all informal workers whose labor takes place within the private household sphere, regardless of gender.

This broader definition carries significant implications. Millions of men who work as household drivers, gardeners, and house guards have equally been operating without contracts, without social security, and without legal recourse when their rights are violated. They too have been invisible to the state. UU PPRT brings them into the fold of legal protection for the first time.

This also means the law's reach is wider than its public perception. The number of workers directly affected by UU PPRT is not limited to the estimated 4 to 5 million women domestic helpers — it encompasses the full ecosystem of household labor in Indonesia, a workforce that is far larger and more diverse than commonly acknowledged.

Understanding this breadth is essential for two reasons. First, it strengthens the case for robust implementation — the law must be enforced across all categories of household workers, not only the most visible ones. Second, it reframes the political significance of UU PPRT: this is not a niche gender policy. It is a comprehensive labor protection framework for one of Indonesia's largest and most neglected informal workforce sectors.

Analysis: What Has Changed Structurally?

UU PPRT is not merely a new list of rights. It fundamentally transforms the architecture of employment relations in the domestic sector. To understand the magnitude of this change, it is necessary to examine what is now legally guaranteed:

Recognition of Status as WorkersThis is the foundation of everything. By being recognized as workers, domestic workers — in all their categories — now fall within the scope of labor law protection, something from which they had previously been explicitly excluded.

Written Employment ContractsEvery working relationship must be set out in a written agreement covering: the identities of the parties, type of work, working hours, wages, leave entitlements, THR, social security, and mechanisms for terminating the employment relationship. This ends working relations that previously depended entirely on trust and goodwill — which were far too often abused.

Fair Wages and Holiday Allowance (THR)Domestic workers are entitled to fair wages and holiday allowances — two things previously enjoyed only by formal sector workers. This is an acknowledgment that the time and labor of domestic workers carry equal value to workers in other sectors.

Humane Working HoursThe regulation of working hours ends the practice of boundless work that had long been the norm — where live-in domestic workers were often treated as "always available" with no time limits.

Social SecurityThe obligation to register domestic workers in BPJS Health and Employment is the change with the most immediate impact on welfare. It means domestic workers now have access to healthcare and workplace accident protection that was previously beyond their reach.

Protection from ViolenceThe law explicitly prohibits physical, psychological, sexual, and economic violence against domestic workers, and provides clear complaint mechanisms. This is critical given that many cases of violence against domestic workers previously had no adequate legal pathway.

Fair Recruitment MechanismsRegulation of Domestic Worker Placement Companies (P3RT) closes the exploitation loopholes in recruitment chains that had long been a source of human trafficking and modern slavery practices.

When compared against international standards, UU PPRT aligns with ILO Convention No. 189 on Domestic Workers adopted in 2011 — a global standard that Indonesia had not yet ratified. The passage of UU PPRT opens the path for Indonesia to consider ratifying that convention as the next step forward.

Implications for Gender Equality: More Than Worker Protection

To understand why UU PPRT is the most significant gender policy in recent decades, one must grasp a single foundational fact: more than 90 percent of domestic workers in Indonesia are women.

This is not a demographic coincidence. It is the product of a social construction that positions care work as women's "natural calling" — something done instinctively, not something performed professionally. This construction is precisely what has long legitimized the absence of fair wages, the absence of contracts, and the absence of protection.

UU PPRT directly challenges this construction. By establishing that cooking, cleaning, caregiving, and all forms of household labor are work deserving of wages, contracts, and legal protection, the law implicitly declares that care work is real work — not an expression of natural calling, not a form of devotion, but a measurable and valuable economic contribution.

The impact on Indonesian women is multilayered:

A Legally Protected Bargaining PositionWomen domestic workers are no longer in the position of appealing for an employer's goodwill. They are workers with rights that can be claimed before the law. This shift in power relations is fundamental.

Protection from Gender-Based ViolenceViolence against domestic workers — the majority of which is gender-based violence — now has a clear legal framework. This opens access to justice for women who previously had no effective complaint pathway.

Normalizing the Value of Care WorkWhen the state acknowledges that care work deserves wages and protection, it opens a broader conversation about the redistribution of care burdens within families and society — including the question of why this burden has always fallen upon women.

Access to Social SecurityFor millions of women domestic workers, access to BPJS Health and Employment is not merely an administrative benefit. It is access to healthcare that was previously unaffordable, and financial protection in old age that previously did not exist.

Implications for the Younger Generation: A Legacy Beyond One Law

The impact of UU PPRT on Indonesia's younger generation operates on several levels simultaneously.

First Level: Children from Domestic Worker Families

Millions of Indonesian children grew up in families where a parent worked as a domestic worker — whether as a household helper, a driver, a gardener, or a caregiver. For so long, they watched their parents work hard in uncertain, undervalued, and often unsafe conditions. The social stigma attached to domestic work also shaped how they saw themselves and their futures.

When the state officially recognizes their parents' work as dignified and legally protected, the impact is simultaneously psychological and social. It breaks the intergenerational chain of stigma. It sends the message that their parents' work is not something to be ashamed of, but a real contribution acknowledged by the state.

Furthermore, with the social security their parents now possess, children from domestic worker families have better access to healthcare and family economic stability — two factors that directly influence their access to education and future opportunities.

Second Level: Young People Working as Domestic Workers

Many young people — women and men alike — from rural areas enter the workforce in household employment: as domestic helpers, drivers, gardeners, or house guards. Often without other options, often in vulnerable conditions. UU PPRT gives them legal certainty from their very first day of work. They no longer need to accept exploitation as normal. They have the right to a contract, fair wages, and protection — and those rights are written into law.

Third Level: Young People as Citizens

The passage of UU PPRT after 22 years of struggle is the most tangible civics lesson for Indonesia's younger generation. It proves that persistent, organized, and sustained advocacy can change policy — even when the system appears unresponsive for years on end.

This is a legacy that transcends one law: a precedent that voices from below, when well organized and supported by political actors who take a genuine stand, can break through bureaucratic walls and transform the legal landscape.

What Must Be Done Next?

Passage is a beginning, not an end. NasDem's faction itself, after celebrating this victory, reminded us firmly: "The enactment of UU PPRT is not the end of the struggle."

Several critical agendas must be addressed immediately:

Strong Implementing RegulationsA law without detailed subsidiary regulations is a skeleton without flesh. The government must promptly draft government regulations and ministerial regulations that are operational, measurable, and enforceable — covering all categories of domestic workers, not only the most visible ones.

Effective Oversight MechanismsDomestic work takes place in private spaces — this makes oversight a structural challenge. Accessible, safe, and responsive complaint mechanisms for domestic workers who experience violations are essential.

Massive Socialization to Employers and Domestic WorkersRights that are unknown are rights that cannot be claimed. Socialization programs that reach both domestic workers and employers — including in remote areas — are a necessity. Crucially, this socialization must cover the full scope of who qualifies as a domestic worker under the law, so that drivers, gardeners, and house guards are not left behind in implementation.

Ratification of ILO Convention No. 189As a next step, Indonesia should consider ratifying ILO Convention No. 189 to strengthen its international commitment to domestic worker protection across all categories.

Relevance for the Social Democratic Movement in the Asia Pacific

Indonesia's experience offers several valuable lessons for the social democratic movement across the Asia Pacific:

Care work — in all its forms — is a core social democratic issue, not a peripheral one. The protection of domestic workers simultaneously touches three central pillars of the social democratic agenda: class justice, gender equality, and universal social protection. And as Indonesia's law makes clear, this protection must extend beyond the stereotypical image of the female household helper to encompass the full diversity of household labor.

Coalitions between civil movements and progressive political parties are key. Without JALA PRT and the civil society coalition, there is no public pressure. Without NasDem and supporting factions in parliament, there is no legislative vehicle. Both need each other.

Political symbolism carries mobilizing power. The passage on Kartini Day was not merely a beautiful coincidence — it was a political communication strategy that connects today's struggle to a larger historical narrative.

Indonesia's victory on April 21, 2026 is proof that structural change is possible — even after 22 years. For the social democratic movement in the Asia Pacific, it is a reminder that standing with the most vulnerable is not merely rhetoric. It must be realized in policy, in law, and in a struggle that never stops.

Sondang Tampubolon is the Coordinator of SocDem Asia Pacific. This article is the second in a two-part series on UU PPRT. Read the first part: "22 Years of Waiting: Indonesia's Historic Victory for Domestic Workers and Lessons for Social Democracy in the Asia Pacific."